A New Civil Case Powerfully Opens a New Front Against Trump for Russia Conspiracy

A new civil complaint has been filed against the Trump campaign, and it is perhaps the most compelling private case filed so far, because it focuses powerfully on the Russian hacking conspiracy with three plaintiffs who were concretely harmed by the release of private information. In Cockrum et al. v. Donald Trump for President, the plaintiffs have solid standing and a firm foundation in a statutory claim: long-standing civil rights law protecting voting rights and privacy from intimidation and harm. One question that needs to be resolved is about whether it fits the requirement for “state action” by the defendant, but the history of the statute should help answer this question. And because the conspiracy involved interstate (and international) electronic conduct, the Interstate Commerce Clause should be sufficient to extend this statute to these (quasi-)private actors.

Each plaintiff has a compelling story of harm, because the hacking conspiracy released deeply private information or sensitive financial and contact information. The complaint sets out step-by-step the facts suggesting the coordination between Russian hackers and the Trump campaign, and it is actually a riveting weaving of many strands and events over the past year.

The legal theory comes from statutes passed after the Civil War to protect civil rights during Reconstruction (it was originally called the Ku Klux Klan Act of 1871, or the Enforcement Act, and these set of statutes were intended to address non-state actors organized to intimidate). The statutory basis is 42 U.S.C. Section 1985(3):

(3)Depriving persons of rights or privileges

If two or more persons in any State or Territory conspire … for the purpose of depriving, either directly or indirectly, any person or class of persons of the equal protection of the laws, or of equal privileges and immunities under the laws; or for the purpose of preventing or hindering the constituted authorities of any State or Territory from giving or securing to all persons within such State or Territory the equal protection of the laws; or if two or more persons conspire to prevent by force, intimidation, or threat, any citizen who is lawfully entitled to vote, from giving his support or advocacy in a legal manner, toward or in favor of the election of any lawfully qualified person as an elector for President or Vice President, or as a Member of Congress of the United States; or to injure any citizen in person or property on account of such support or advocacy; in any case of conspiracy set forth in this section, if one or more persons engaged therein do, or cause to be done, any act in furtherance of the object of such conspiracy, whereby another is injured in his person or property, or deprived of having and exercising any right or privilege of a citizen of the United States, the party so injured or deprived may have an action for the recovery of damages occasioned by such injury or deprivation, against any one or more of the conspirators.


This statute directly addresses conspiracies to intimidate voters or injure voters because of their support for a candidate. The hackers knew that they were releasing private financial and other private information, and that knowledge is enough to constitute a conspiracy of intimidation, even if it was not their primary goal. The very goal of hacking was to release private information, without regard to whose privacy would be infringed. And it is certainly plausible from the facts that one of the goals of the hacking was to intimidate the Clinton campaign and its supporters — including these plaintiffs — from participating in the election. There are certainly many others who could have brought this suit, but these three plaintiffs have a strong case. And the plaintiffs do not need to be targeted because of race. They have a valid case if their freedom of association and political support is targeted. For background on how Section 1985 has been applied broadly, see this piece.

There is some question, under the precedents, about whether the defendants need to be state actors or officials. Keep in mind that these statutes were originally passed to protect against the KKK, non-state actors who organized to intimidate. The concept here is acting “under the color of state law,” so that a private actor is covered by the statute’s requirements. The question may be if a campaign is a quasi-state actor. Courts have also allowed the Commerce Clause to be the basis for extending this law to private parties, but these cases have been curtailed. See Griffin v. Breckenridge, 403 U.S. 88 (1971) and Scott, 103 S.Ct. at 3357. As I noted before, the interstate/international hacking, like wire fraud, is covered by interstate commerce, and thus the statute through the Interstate Commerce Clause should apply to this particular conduct. More work needs to be done in this area.

This case may seem redundant with Mueller’s investigation and the Senate and House investigation, but what if Trump fires Mueller? What if the House and Senate Republicans stall? A civil case offers the advantage of decentralized access of discovery, and potentially a more public investigation while the other institutions move secretly and slowly.

Author: Jed Shugerman

Jed Handelsman Shugerman is a Professor at Fordham Law School. He received his B.A., J.D., and Ph.D. (History) from Yale. His book, The People’s Courts (Harvard 2012), traces the rise of judicial elections, judicial review, and the influence of money and parties in American courts. It is based on his dissertation that won the 2009 ASLH’s Cromwell Prize. He is co-author of amicus briefs on the history of presidential power, the Emoluments Clauses, the Appointments Clause, the First Amendment rights of elected judges, and the due process problems of elected judges in death penalty cases. He is currently working on two books on the history of executive power and prosecution in America. The first is tentatively titled “A Faithful President: The Founders v. the Unitary Executive,” questioning the textual and historical evidence for the theory of unchecked and unbalanced presidential power. This book draws on his articles “Vesting” (Stanford Law Review forthcoming 2022), “Removal of Context” (Yale Journal of Law & the Humanities 2022), a co-authored “Faithful Execution and Article II” (Harvard Law Review 2019 with Andrew Kent and Ethan Leib), “The Indecisions of 1789” (forthcoming Penn. Law Review), and “The Creation of the Department of Justice,” (Stanford Law Review 2014). The second book project is “The Rise of the Prosecutor Politicians: Race, War, and Mass Incarceration,” focusing on California Governor Earl Warren, his presidential running mate Thomas Dewey, the Kennedys, World War II and the Cold War, the war on crime, the growth of prosecutorial power, and its emergence as a stepping stone to electoral power for ambitious politicians in the mid-twentieth century.

8 thoughts on “A New Civil Case Powerfully Opens a New Front Against Trump for Russia Conspiracy”

    1. Yiur writing is terrific and summarizes a lot of thoughts that I have had in relation to questions raised online and in the press. I am also confused about your “State actor” requirement. Are we not confusing a 14th amendment basis with a statutory basis? It appears to me Bruce2222 is correct that the statute has no state actor requirement. If you bring a concurrent claim directly under the privileges and immunities clause, you may have a separate basis for suit (though doubtful under our P&I doctrine). It seems you might still have a State actor if you can tie it to the Republican Party in general, by the virtue that once nominated, Trump WAS the Republican Party. However, a statutory claim does not appear to share the same prerequisite.


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